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Dear
friends,
Thailand’s
political
history
records
another
major
event
when the
nine-member
Constitutional
Tribunal
took
more
than ten
hours
reading
out the
verdicts
of the
charges
filed by
the
attorney-general
to
dissolve
five
political
parties;
namely,
Democrat
Party,
Progressive
Democratic
Party,
Thai Rak
Thai
Party,
Pattana
Chart
Thai
Party,
and Paen
Din Thai
Party.
The Thai
Rak Thai
(TRT)
party
was
accused
of
hiring
small
parties
to field
candidates
in the
election
as a way
to get
around
the 20%
minimum
vote
requirement
in the
case
whereby
one
particular
constituency
has only
one
candidate
running.
The
Democrats,
for
their
part,
were
charged
with
mudslinging
against
the TRT
and with
frustrating
the
electoral
process.
The
verdicts
of the
Constitutional
Tribunal
absolved
the
Democrats
from the
damning
allegations
and
saved
them
from the
dissolution,
while
decapitating
the TRT
by
barring
its 111
executive
board
members
from
politics
for five
years.
The
other
three
small
parties
were
also
dissolved
and
their
executive
management
deprived
of their
rights
to run
for
elections.
Following
the
verdicts,
there
have
been
mixed
emotions
of joy,
relief,
and
sorrowful
disappointment
among
the
members
of
different
political
parties.
At the
same
time,
the
verdicts
also
brought
a sense
of
closure
that
gave
more
political
certainty
as
proposals
are now
being
made to
the
government
to allow
political
parties
to
re-engage
in
political
activities
such as
campaigning,
presenting
policy
platforms,
and
registering
new
political
parties,
among
others.
Meanwhile,
the
reading
out of
verdicts
over the
course
of more
than ten
hours by
the
Constitutional
Tribunal
judges
is in
itself
the
teaching
of laws,
politics,
and
governance
to the
public
who sat
and
listened.
Although
the
verdicts
were
often so
steep in
legal
technicality
beyond
the
grasp of
the
general
public,
they
gained
acceptance
for
their
procedural
and
substantive
transparence,
from the
demonstration
of the
nature
and
cause of
indictment,
the
alibi
defense,
the
outcome
of
deliberations
as to
whether
the
defendants
were
guilty
as
charged,
to the
presentation
of
factual
evidence,
pleas,
testimony,
and
motives.
In
particular,
the
Tribunal
clearly
demonstrated
that
they had
adhered
strictly
to legal
principles
in
deliberating
on the
party
dissolution
cases
and the
stripping
of
political
party
executives
of their
electoral
rights.
They
also
showed
courage
in
delivering
the
verdicts,
although
the
sheer
number
of
affected
party
members
had been
mentioned
to put
pressure
on their
deliberations.
There
were
also
demands
that the
importance
of the
political
party’s
ideology
be taken
into
account
to
counterweigh
the fact
that the
party
was
overtly
dominated
by its
leader.
The
verdicts,
however,
generated
a number
of
academic
debates
on many
issues,
such as
the
technical
feasibility
of
retrospective
expropriation
of party
executives’
rights,
or the
question
posed by
legal
experts
as to
the
legitimacy
of the
Constitutional
Tribunal
in
delivering
verdicts
on party
dissolution,
considering
the fact
that the
nine
Tribunal
judges
had been
appointed
by a
military
government.
This
legitimacy
issue
was also
mentioned
in an
announcement
by the
Acting
Thai Rak
Thai
leader,
who said
he would
publish
the
Constitutional
Tribunal
readings
and
translate
them
into
English
so that
this
historic
case
could be
discussed
and
criticized
by
academics
around
the
world.
In that
way,
such
publications
will
have
enormous
academic
contributions
and help
add to
the
existing
body of
knowledge
in legal
and
political
sciences,
more
than
just
being
biased
studies
aimed at
finding
faults
with the
verdicts.
At this
point in
time,
one may
have to
admit
that
Thai
politics
in the
wake of
the
Constitutional
Tribunal
verdicts
has to
an
extent
gained
better
clarity.
The
remaining
political
parties,
in
particular,
now must
prepare
to come
up with
party
lines
and
policy
platforms,
organize
campaigning
activities,
and
start
going
out to
meet the
people.
These
political
activities
are what
move the
nation
forward
towards
having a
democratically
elected
government.
Former
Thai Rak
Thai
loyalists,
meanwhile,
are
probably
waiting
to
register
their
new
grouping
under
the same
name of
‘Thai
Rak
Thai’
although
the 111
party
executives
may not
be able
to run
in this
upcoming
election.
In any
case, it
is
expected
that
these
ousted
politicians
will
continue
to
support
and
manipulate
their
proxies
and
associates,
like
spouses,
children,
or
political
heirs,
from
behind
the
scene to
run in
the
election.
There
also
remain
over 200
former
Members
of
Parliament
(MPs)
who are
still
loyal to
the
party
and
still
retain
the
party
strongholds
in the
northern,
central,
and
northeastern
parts of
Thailand.
The Thai
Rak Thai
party or
whatever
new name
it will
assume,
therefore,
will
continue
to be a
force to
reckon
with. At
the same
time,
several
medium-sized
parties
are
expected
to
emerge
under
the
leadership
of
former
Thai Rak
Thai MPs
to carry
on
political
activities
in a
more
reconciliatory
manner
with the
hope of
setting
up
government
in the
next
term.
However,
one
should
be
reasonably
concerned
with the
current
PTV mob
protesting
against
the
Council
for
National
Security.
The mob
seems to
grow in
number
and its
debating
style
has
become
increasingly
aggressive
and
confrontational.
The PTV
mob is
marching
towards
the
Royal
Thai
Army’s
Headquarters
as if to
directly
confront
with the
military.
One last
straw on
the
camel’s
back may
set off
violence
that
leads to
bloodshed,
which in
turn
will
instantly
send
Thailand’s
political
situation
into an
unimaginable
mess,
politically
and
economically.
Hence,
the
government
must be
very
careful
in
monitoring
the
situation,
using
mass
psychology
to
subdue
the mob
and
prevent
any
violent
outbursts.
(ลบออกครับ)
Another
issue
that
will
have
significant
implications
on
Thailand’s
politics
is the
referendum
vote on
the new
draft
Constitution,
given
that
there
are
several
groups
creating
pressure
for
their
agendas
to be
included
in the
charter.
These
groups
are
threatening
to
boycott
the new
draft if
their
agendas
fail to
be given
proper
treatment.
Meanwhile,
some
academics
from
‘Midnight
University’
and
other
independent
public
intellectuals
are
calling
for the
rejection
of the
draft on
the
ground
that the
new
charter’s
very
existence
sprang
from the
military
coup. If
the
draft
Constitution
fails to
pass the
referendum,
the
election
may be
postponed
until
next
year, in
which
case the
economic
and
social
impacts
will be
tremendous.
At this
junction,
it is
now time
to think
with our
intellect
rather
than
with
emotions
that are
influenced
or
persuaded
in favor
of any
particular
groups,
to allow
our
polity
to move
forward
under
the
rules
that all
Thai
people
mutually
created
and
consent
to.
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